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The particular

form of govern

ment at option of each fociety:

to wit, the common-wealth and government of the fame by magiftrates; but what kind of government each common-wealth will have, whether democratia, which is popular government by the people itself, as Athens, Thebes, and many other cities of Greece had in old time, and as the Cantons or Switzers at this day have; or else ariftocratia, which is the government of fome certain chofen number of the beft; as the Romans many years were governed by confuls and fenators, and at this day the States of this country of Holland do imitate the fame; or else monarchia, which is the regiment of one, and this again either of an emperor, king, duke, earl, or the like: thefe particular forms of government, I fay, are not determined by God or nature, as the other two points before; for then they fhould be all one in all nations as the other are, feeing God and nature are one to all (as often hath been faid) but thefe particular forms are left unto every nation or country to chufe that form of

government, which they fhall like beft, and think moft fit for the natures and conditions of their people, which Ariftotle proveth throughout all the second and fourth books of his Politiques, very largely laying down divers kinds of governments in his days, as namely, in Greece, that of the Milefians, Lacedemonians,

Candians,

Candians, and others, and fhewing the causes of their differences, which he attributeth to the diversity of men's natures, cuftoms, educations, and other fuch caufes, that made them make choice of fuch or fuch forms of government.

"So as of all this there can be no doubt, but that the common-wealth hath power to chuse their own fashion of government, as alfo to change the fame upon reasonable causes, as we fee they have done in all times and countries; and God, no doubt, approveth what the realm determineth in this point; for otherwise nothing could be certain, for that of thefe changes doth depend all that hath fucceeded fithence. In like manner is it evident, that as the common-wealth hath this authority to chufe and change her government, so hath fhe alfo to limit the fame with what laws and conditions fhe pleafeth, whereof ensueth the great diverfity of authority and power, which each one of the former government hath.

"So as when men talk of a natural prince, or natural fucceffors, (as many times I have heard the word used) if it be understood of one, that is born within the fame realm, or country, and fo of our own natural blood, it hath fome fenfe, though he may be both good or

bad

The true fenfe

of a natural

prince.

Bellarmine's o

pinion forced

from the glare

of truth.

lar

bad (and none hath been worse, or more cruel, many times, than home born princes): but if it be meant, as though any prince had his particugovernment or intereft to fucceed by inftitution of nature, it is ridiculous, for that nature giveth it not, as hath been declared, but the particular conftitution of every commonwealth within itself; and so much for this first point, which must be the ground to all the reft, that I have to say."

« Particular kinds of government are by the right of nations, not by the law of nature; for it depends upon the consent of the people to fet over themselves a king, confuls, or other magiftrates."-The received opinion of the temporal fovereignty of the court of Rome is, that it is a most abfolute monarchy. And the characteristic spirit of the late fociety of jefuits was always fuppofed to be their abfolute and even blind obedience to their fuperiors. Unlefs therefore, the glare of truth had been overpowering indeed, Bellarmine, who was admitted by all perfons to have been a very learned man, and by his enemies was accused of being a very artful, intriguing, and ambitious man, as a jefuit would not have broached doctrines, that would have counteracted the credit and esta

Bellarmine de Laicis, 1. 3. c. 6.

blishment

blishment of his own order in different king-
doms; or as a cardinal, under the poffibility,
or even expectancy of the tiara, would not
have armed subjects with such powerful wea-
pons of freedom, felf-defence, and resistance
against abfolute monarchy. The application
of thefe general and fundamental principles
of
government to the English constitution
my plan will lead me hereafter to confider.

*"Civil government (as I have before observed) is an inftitution of human prudence for guarding our perfons, our property, and our name, against invasion; and for securing to the members of a community that liberty, to which all have an equal right, as far as they do not. by any overt act, use it to injure the liberty of others. Civil laws are regulations agreed upon by the community for gaining these ends; and civil magiftrates are officers appointed by the community for executing these laws. Obedience, therefore, to the laws and to magiftrates, is a neceffary expreffion of our regard to the community. Without it a community must fall into a state of anarchy, that will destroy those rights, and fubvert that liberty, which it is the end of government to protect."

* Dr. Price's Difcourfe, delivered on the 4th Nov. 1789, p. 20, 21. Intended

The advantages ment."

of civil govern

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Intended malice fometimes confers an unintended benefit. So the malicious application of the general principles of government by fome modern authors, may, by bringing on a thorough and impartial investigation of them, have removed the probability of their abuse being in future productive of any serious mifchief to the state. Truth courts investigation, and lives by difcuffion. Upon this principle Dr. Price is very emphatic in recommending free difcuffion. inftance, learn our duty from the conduct of the oppreffors of the world. They know, that light is hoftile to them, and therefore they labour to keep men in the dark. Remove the darkness, in which they invelope the world, and their ufurpations will be expofed, their power will be fubverted, and the world emancipated.” Every one will not perhaps agree with Dr. Price, that the whole world is enslaved, and that it therefore wants emancipation; yet no one certainly can differ from him in maintaining, that the cause of truth will be better fupported and maintained by the publication, than the fuppreffion of its principles. This motive encourages me in my progrefs.

In short, we may, in this

The fubftantial ground of difference be

* Dr. Price's Difcourfe, delivered on the 4th Nov. 1789, p. 14, 15.

tween

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