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house, an uncle who regularly took six tumblers of whiskeytoddy daily. This troubled him, and, after much thought, he resolved to write and remonstrate with his relative. The following was the letter-"My dear uncle—I write to say how pleased I should be if you could see your way to giving up your six glasses of whiskey a day. I am sure you would find many advantages in doing so, the greatest of which would be that, as I am persuaded, it would be the means of lengthening your days." The uncle replied— "My dear nephew-I am much obliged to you for your dutiful letter. I was so much struck by what you said, and in particular by your kind wish to lengthen my days, that last Friday I gave up the whiskey. I believe you are right, my boy, as to my days being lengthened, for, bedad, it was the longest day I ever remember!”
PROFESSOR Max Muller has an interesting article in a late number of Cosmopolis on Royalties. In the course of it he refers to meeting the late Queen of Holland at luncheon at Dean Stanley's. The queen had asked the dean to invite a number of literary men—Tennyson, Monckton, Milnes (Lord Houghton), Huxley and several more. The company were waiting and waiting, but Tennyson did not appear. Stanley suggested that they should not wait any longer, but the queen refused to sit down before the great poet's arrival. At last it was suggested that Tennyson might be mooning about in the cloisters, and so he was. He was caught, and was placed next to the queen. The queen, Professor Max Muller goes on to tell, knew wonderfully how to hide her crown and put everybody at their ease. She took the conversation into her own hands, and kept the ball rolling during the whole lunch
But she got nothing out of Tennyson. He was evidently in low spirits, and, sitting next to him, the professor could hear how to every question the queen addressed to him, he answered “Yes ma'am,” “No ma'am," and at last, by a great effort, “Ma'am, there is a good deal to be said on both sides of the question.” He then turned to the professor, and said, in a whisper, but a loud whisper, "I wish they had put some of you talking fellows next to Regina."
THE WAR WITH SPAIN.
Red Battle stamps his foot, and nations feel the shock,
-Byron. A state of war exists between the United States and the kingdom of Spain. In the early morning hours of the 19th of April, after an all night session, the American congress passed the following conjoint preamble and resolutions:
WHEREAS, The abhorrent conditions which have existed for more than three years in the island of Cuba, so near our own borders, have shocked the moral sense of the people of the United States, have been a disgrace to Christian civilization, culminating as they have, in the destruction of a United States battleship and 266 of its officers and crew, while on a friendly visit in the harbor of Havana, and cannot longer be endured, as has been set forth by the president of the United States in his message to congress of April 11, 1898, upon which the action of congress was invited, therefore,
RESOLVED, By the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in congress assembled:
FIRST-That the people of the island of Cuba are and of right ought to be free and independent.
SECOND—That it is the duty of the United States to demand, and the government of the United States does hereby demand, that the government of Spain at once relinquish its authority and government in the island of Cuba and withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters.
THIRD-That the president of the United States be and he hereby is directed and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces of the United States, and to call into the actual service of the United States the militia of the several states to the extent as may be necessary to carry these resolutions into effect.
FOURTH—That the United States hereby disclaims any disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction or control over said island, except for the pacification thereof, and asserts its determination when that
is accomplished, to leave the government and control of the island to its people.
These resolutions were signed by President McKinley on the morning of the 20th of April and by that act were given the force of law. President McKinley at the time he signed the resolutions passed by congress, also signed an ultimatum to Spain giving that government until Saturday noon, April 23rd, Washington time, in which to signify its willingness to comply with the demands of the government of the United States. Thus as we go to press the question of Peace or War is left entirely in the hands of Spain. What course will she pursue is the all important question. As we view the matter at this writing there lies before Spain four courses she
follow: I. Acting by herself, and recognizing the superior strength of the United States, and being unable to secure the assistance of any European power to support her against the action of our government, she may reasonably yield to that superior strength, without war, and with what grace she may command, abandon Cuba.
2. She may appeal to the great powers of Europe for advice, and if they, recognizing the justice of the course of our government, counsel acceptance of the decree issued by the United States, she may abandon Cuba under color of yielding to the advice of European powers, rather than at the demand of the United States.
3. She may make a show of resistance by declaring war, or by resisting our invading force to drive her army from Cuba; make a vigorous attack upon the vulnerable points on our Atlantic sea-board, prey upon our commerce, and at the first disaster that overtakes her, yield to superior force and accept the terms of our government.
4. Yielding to the frenzy of mistaken patriotism, and historic pride, she may undertake war in real earnest, stake all upon the issue, and fight until unable to resist longer.
The first, though dictated by the spirit of prudence and commended by reason, would most likely-besides being too humiliating to Spanish pride—result in a revolution in Spain that would drive the present government from power, and
the young king and the queen regent into exile. Should the second course be elated it would have in it, so far as appearance would go, at least, less humiliation, and doubtless secure from the powers whose advice was followed a guarantee of the perpetuation of the reigning dynasty. The third course would gratify the pride of Spain, satisfy, perhaps, the war party at home, and be most likely to secure the reigning dynasty in the possession of its throne, though nothing but a successful war against the United States would make that possession absolutely secure. Nothing but desperation born of despair would dictate the fourth course, and it is the least likely to be followed, unless the gods have indeed determined upon the destruction of Spain, and hence first make her mad.
In our judgment the third course is the one that will be followed by the present government of Spain, and hence we regard war as inevitable. And though undertaken with no hope or prospect of modifying the demands of our government, but merely to gratify the pride of Spain, and reduce the probability of a revolution within the ancient kingdom to a minimum—that war may be a more serious matter than is generally expected. Nothing is made by underestimating the strength of an adversary, and while there can be no question as to the final result, Spain may give a good account of herself in the opening weeks of the war, and make it plain by winning temporary advantages on our Atlantic coast and preying upon our commerce, how illy prepared our country was for war, even with Spain.
THE ISSUES INVOLVED.
It is gratifying to know that in the issues involved our country is wholly right. It is not
undertaken for conquest, the extension of commerce, the gratification of military pride or prowess; nor is it waged to save a tottering throne from falling, or to sustain a corrupt government in questionable policies. On the contrary the course of the United States is pursued in the interests of humanity and the extension of freedom. It is dictated by a desire to put an end to
a most inhuman war waged by Spain against the Cuban Insurgents, whom she can neither conquer by war, nor induce to accept the forms of government suggested by her diplomacy. The government of the United States, recognizing the responsibility that attends upon the exalted position it occupies among the nations of the western hemisphere, and among the nations of the whole earth, demands that the abhorrent conditions which have existed for more than three years in Cuba shall cease. And when it is remembered that Spanish misrule during more than half a century has kept Cuba in a state of revolution and war about half that time; that the inhuman policy pursued in the war that has now been going on for the last three years has resulted in the death and misery of tens of thousands of non-combatants; that it has destroyed millions of dollars worth of property owned by citizens of the United States; that it has practically swept out of existence an extensive commerce between Cuba and the United States; that it has destroyed a United States battleship and two hundred and sixty-six of its officers and crew, while on a friendly visit in the harbor of Havana—when all this is remembered, the patience and forbearance of our government will be a matter of astonishment among all enlightened nations. And when it is further remembered that now, when forbearance ceases longer to be a virtue, all intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction or control over Cuba, further than for the pacification thereof, is positively disclaimed; and the determination expressed that when Cuba's pacification is achieved it is the intention of the United States to leave the government and control of the island to its people—the course of our government must challenge the admiration of the whole world. If fierce war ensues, whatever misfortunes it may bring to us, we shall always have the satisfaction of knowing that on the part of the United States it is waged in the interest of humanity, and for the extension of those principles of liberty on which our own government is based, to other people.