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highness has great satisfaction in acquainting you, that although the difficulties under which the commerce of this kingdom has laboured, have in some degree affected a part of his majesty's revenue, particularly in Ireland, yet that the revenue of Great Britain in the last year, though unaided by any new taxation, is greater than ever was known in any preceding year. And his royal highness trusts to your zeal and liberality to afford his majesty adequate supplies for -the support of the great contest in which he is necessarily engaged.

My lords, and gentlemen, We are commanded by his royal highness to declare to you. that it is the most anxious wish of his heart, that he may be enabled to restore unimpaired into the hands of his majesty the government of his kingdom; and that his royal highness earnestly prays that the Almighty may be pleased in his mercy to accelerate the termination of a calamity so deeply lamented by the whole nation, and so peculiarly afflicting to his royal highness himself.

CITY ADDRESS.

14. The dutiful and loyal address of the lord mayor, aldermen, and commons of the city of London, in common council #ssembled.

May it please your royal highness, We the lord mayor, aldermen, and commons of the city of Lon don in common council assembled, most humbly approach your royal highness with the warmest assurances of affectionate attachment to your royal person, and unshaken adherence to those sacred principles which seated your family upon the throne of this realm; fully convinced, that those principles afford

the best security to the honour and dignity of the sovereign, and the rights and interests of the people.

Whilst we offer to your royal highness our sincere condolence upon the severe visitation with which it has pleased Divine Providence to afflict our most gracious sovereign, which has occasioned a suspension of the royal functions, it is with heartfelt consolation that, in common with all ranks of our fellow subjects, we behold in the person of your royal highness a prince highly endowed, and eminently qualified to exercise the regal duties a prince, who has so greatly endeared himself to the people by his moderation and forbearance on various trying occasions, and the attachment he has so uniformly shown to their rights and liberties.

Had indeed the desire and the expectation of the united kingdom been realized, by vesting in your royal highness the full powers of the executive authority, we should have had just cause for congratula tion, confident as we feel that those powers would have been wisely and beneficially exercised, to enable us to meet the extraordinary exigencies of so perilous a crisis.

Deeply impressed with a sense of the many and great difficulties, which, with powers so limited, your royal highness must have to encounter in the discharge of duties so arduous, and feeling towards your royal highness the fullness of that loyal affection, which in deeds as well as in words we have so long demonstrated towards your royal father and family, we would fain have forborne to cloud the dawn of our intercourse with your royal highness by even a glance at our grievances, manifold and weighty as they are; but duty to our sovereign, duty to our country,

the

the example of our forefathers, justice to posterity, the fame and the safety of the kingdom, all, with voice imperious, forbid us to disguise our thoughts, or to smother our feelings.

Far be it from us, insulted as the corporation of this ancient (and at all former times respected) city has recently been by the servants of the crown; far be it from us to indulge in complaints of grievances peculiar to ourselves, ready and willing as we are to share in all the necessary burdens and all the dangers of our country. It is of general grievances, grievances sorely felt in all ranks of life; of accumulated and ever-accumulating taxation, rendered doubly grievous by the oppressive mode of exaction, and of the increased and increasing distress and misery therefrom arising; of the improvident expenditure of the immense sums thus wrung from industry and labour; of the waste of life, and of treasure, in ill-contrived and ill-conducted expeditions; of the attempts which for many years past, and especially within the last three years, have been made, and with but too much success, to crush public liberty in all its branches, and especially the liberty of freely discussing the conduct of public men, and the nature and tendency of public

measures.

Can we refrain from humbly expressing our complaints, when we have seen those ministers who have so long usurped the royal authority, and who, it is now discovered, have, by practising the most criminal deception upon the parliament and the people, carried on the government during his majesty's former incapacity, exerting their influence to degrade the kingly office? When we have seen mea

sures adopted, evincing the most ungrounded jealousy and mistrust of your royal highness-when we have seen the prerogatives of the crown curtailed and withheldwhen we have seen a new estate established in the realm, highly dangerous and unconstitutionalwhen we have seen power, influence, and emolument, thus set apart to control and embarrass the executive government, at a time of such unprecedented difficulty, when all the energies of the state are necessary to enable us to surmount the dangers with which we are threatened, both at home and abroad-we confess that, feeling as we do the most unbounded gratitude to your royal highness, for undertaking these arduous duties at a moment of such peril and under such circumstances, we can discover no cause for congratulation:-on the contrary, we should be filled with dismay and the most alarming apprehensions, were it not for the known patriotism and amiable qualities which your royal highness possesses, and the resource which we trust your royal highness will find in the zeal, ardour, affection, and loyalty of a free and united people.

Numerous other grievances we forbear even to mention; but there is one so prominent in the odiousness of its nature, as well as in the magnitude of its mischievous consequences, that we are unable to refrain from marking it out as a particular object of our complaint and of your royal highness's virtuous abhorrence-the present representation in the commons bause of parliament, a ready instrument in the hands of the minister for the time being, whether for the purpose of nullifying the just prerogatives of the crown, or of in

sulting

sulting and oppressing the people, and a reform in which representation is, therefore, absolutely necessary for the safety of the crown, the happiness of the people, and the peace and independence of the

country.

Reposing the fullest confidence in your royal highness's beneficent views and intentions, we can only deplore the present unfortunate state of things, fully relying that, under circumstances so novel and embarrassing, every measure which depends personally upon your royal highness will be adopted towards extricating us from our present difficulties, and for promoting the peace, happiness, and security of the country.

Thus to mingle our expressions of confidence and affection with the voice of complaint, is grievous to our hearts; but, placing as we do implicit reliance on the constitutional principles of your royal highness, we are cheered with the hope, that such a change of system will take place, as will henceforward, for a long series of happy years, prevent your royal highness from being greeted by the faithful and loyal city of London in any voice but that of content and of gratitude.

Signed by order of court, HENRY WOODTHORPE. To which address his royal highness was pleased to return the following most gracious answer :—

I thank you for the assurances of your attachment, and of your confidence in the sincerity of my endeavours to promote the welfare and security of his majesty's dominions, by the faithful administration of those powers with which I am intrusted during the lamented indisposition of the king.

In the arduous situation in which

I am placed, I can assure you that it will be the happiest moment of my life when, by the blessing of providence, I shall be called upon to resign the powers delegated to me into the hands of my beloved and revered father and sovereign.

My own disposition, no less than the example of my royal father, will make me at all times ready to listen to the complaints of those who may think themselves aggrieved; and will determine me on all occasions to regulate my conduct upon the established principles of that ancient and excellent constitution, under which the people of this country have hitherto enjoyed a state of unrivalled prosperity and happi

ness.

REPORT OF THE QUEEN'S COUNCIL ON THE STATE OF HIS MAJESTY'S

HEALTH.

Queen's Lodge, Windsor, Apr. 6,1811. Present, the archbishops of Can

terbury and York, earl Winchilsea, earl of Aylesford, lord Eldoh, lord Ellenborough, sir W. Grant, (the duke of Montrose being absent on account of indisposition.)

We the members of the council, here present, appointed to assist her majesty in the execution of the trust committed to her majesty by virtue of the statute passed in the 51st year of his majesty's reign, entitled, " An act to provide for the administration of the royal authority, and for the care of his majesty's royal person during the continuance of his majesty's illness, and for the resumption of the exercise of the royal authority by his majesty;" having called before us, and examined on oath, the phy sicians and other persons attendant on his majesty, and having ascertained the state of his majesty's

health

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Unto whom the sepresents shall come greeting. Be it known,

Whereas representations have been made to us, that numerous meetings of slaves are permitted to take place on the east coast of the colony, at late hours in the evening; which, although they are avowedly for religious purposes, yet being at unseasonable and improper hours, have been found productive of disorder, and, if continued to be allowed, may have the most dangerous tendency: We have therefore thought fit to enact, and it is hereby enacted, that from the date of the publication of these presents, no meeting or convoca

tion of slaves shall be lawful, or permitted to takej place, after the hour of sun-set, for any purpose whatever, except only for the usual purposes of the estate or plantation to which such slaves shall belong. And we do hereby in the strictest manner forbid any proprietor, attorney, or manager of estates, to permit such meeting, under pain of the several penalties of the law, directing the burgher officers of the different districts to use their authority to prevent the same; allthorizing them, in case of resist ance, to commit the person or persons so resisting or refusing to comply, strictly conforming themselves to the instructions given them in the 25th article of the militia regulations.

Given at the court-house in Stabrock, the 2d day of May 1811; and published the 25th of the same month. W. H: BENTINCK

BAPTISM OF THE KING OF ROME.

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15. The ceremony of the baptism of the king of Rome, and the fees accompanying it, were celebrated with the pomp suitable to their object. At the cere oro, on the right of the empe. the king of Rome, held by ang• verness-on the right mi dhe zag his godfather and godijother, and on the right of the godmother, prince Joseph Napoleon, king of Spain; prince Napoleon Jer me, king of Westphalia; prince Borghese, duke of Guastalla; prince Eugene, viceroy of Italy; heredi. tary grand duke of Francfort, duke of Parma. On the left the emperor, the empress; princess Julie, queen of Spain; queen Hortense; princess Pauline, duchess of Guastalla; the prince of Neufchatel, vice-constable; prince of Benevento, vice-grand elector.

SPEECH

SPEECH OF BONAPARTE

LEGISLATIVE BODY.

TO THE principles of religionwhich belong to the whole universe, and the pretensions and interests which regarded only a very small corner of Italy. I have put an end to this scandal for ever. I have united Rome to the empire-I have given palaces to the popes at Rome and at Paris: if they have at heart the interests of religion, they will often sojourn in the centre of the affairs of christianity-it was thus that St. Peter preferred Rome to an abode even in the Holy Land.

Paris, June 16. This day the emperor proceeded from the Thuilleries, in great state, to the palace of the legislative body. Discharges of artillery announced his departure from the Thuilleries, and his arrival at the palace of the legislative body. The empress, queen Hortense, princess Pauline, the grand duke of Wurtzburg, and the grand duke of Frankfort, were in one tribune; the corps diplomatique in another tribune; the bishops convoked for the council, and the mayors and deputies of the good cities summoned to be present at the baptism of the king of Rome, were on benches. His majesty placed himself on his throne. The king of Westphalia, the princes grand dignitaries, grand eagles of the legion of honour, occupied their accustomed places about his majesty, prince Jerome Napoleon on his right. After the new members had been presented and taken the oaths, the emperor made the following speech:

Gentlemen deputies of departments

to the legislative body,

The peace concluded with the emperor of Austria has been since cemented by the happy alliance I have contracted: the birth of the king of Rome has fulfilled my wishes, and satisfies my people with respect to the future. The affairs of religion have been te often mixed, and sacrificed to the interests of a state of the third order. If half Europe has separated from the church of Rome, we may attribute it specially to the contradiction which has never ceased to exist between the truths and the

Holland has been united to the empire; she is but an emanation of it-without her the empire would not be complete.

The principles adopted by the English government, not to recognise the neutrality of any flag, have obliged me to possess myself of the mouths of the Ems, the Weser, and the Elbe, and have rendered an interior communication with the Baltic indispensable to me. It is not my territory that I wished to increase, but my maritime means. America is making efforts to cause the freedom of her flag to be recognised-I will second her. I have nothing but praises to give to of the Rhine.--The union of the the sovereigns of the confederation Valais has been foreseen ever since the act of mediation, and considered as necessary to conciliate the interests of Switzerland with the interests of France and Italy.The English bring all the passions into play. One time they suppose France to have all the designs that could alarm other powers, designs which she could have put in execution if they had entered into her policy. At another time they make an appeal to the pride of nations, in order to excite their jealousy. They lay hold of all circumstances which arise out

of

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