they did neither consent to nor allow of such practices, but make no tender of satisfaction."* But they asked the privilege to meet the commissioners at their next session, at which time they gave them to understand that satisfaction should be made. This could not have been other than a reasonable request, but it was not granted; and messengers were forthwith ordered to "repair to Ninigret, Pessicus, Woquacanoose, and the rest of the Narraganset sachems," to demand "at least four of the chief of them that shot into the English house." And in case they should not be delivered, to demand five hundred fathoms of wampum. They were directed, in particular, to "charge Ninigret with breach of covenant, and high neglect of their order, sent them by Maj. Willard, six years since, not to invade the Long Island Indians; and [that they] do account the surprising the Long Island Indians at Gull Island, and murdering of them, to be an insolent carriage to the English, and a barbarous and inhuman act.” These are only a few of the most prominent charges, and five hundred and ninety-fivef fathoms of wampum was the price demanded for them; and "the general court of Connecticut is desired and empowered to send a convenient company of men, under some discreet leader, to force satisfaction of the same above said, and the charges of recovering the same; and in case the persons be delivered, they shall be sent to Barbadoes," and sold for slaves.

It appears that the force sent by Connecticut could not collect the wampum, nor secure the offenders; but for the payment, condescended to take a mortgage of all the Narraganset country, with the provision that it should be void, if it were paid in four months. Quissoquus,§ Neneglud, and Scuttup, signed the deed.

Ninigret did not engage with the other Narraganset chiefs, in Philip's war. Dr. Mather¶ calls him an "old crafty sachem, who had with some of his men withdrawn himself from the rest." He must at this time have been "an old sachem," for we meet with him as a chief, as early as 1632.

Although Ninigret was not personally engaged in Philip's war, still he must have suffered considerably from it; often being obliged to send his people to the English, to gratify some whim or caprice, and at other times to appear himself. On 10 Sept. 1675, eight of his men came as ambassadors to Boston, "having a certificate from Capt. Smith," "** who owned a large estate in Narraganset. After having finished their business, they received a pass from the authorities to return to their own country. This certificate or pass was fastened to a staff and carried by one in front of the rest. As they were going out of Boston "a back way," two men met them, and seized upon him that carried the pass. These men were brothers, who had had a brother killed by Philip's men some time before. This Indian they accused of killing him, and in court swore to his identity, and he was in a few days hanged.ft

Notwithstanding these affairs, another embassy was soon after sent to Boston. On the 15 Sept. "the authority of Boston sent a party" to order Ninigret to appear there in person, to give an account of his sheltering

Record of the United Colonies, in Hazard.

The additional ninety-five was for another offence, viz. "for the insolencies committed at Mr. Brewster's, in killing an Indian servant at Mrs. Brewster's feet, to her great affrightment, and stealing corn, &c., and other affronts." Hazard, ii. 433. Records of the United Colonies, in Hazard.

The same called Quequegunent, the son of Magnus. Newcom and Awashars were witnesses. The deed itself may be seen on file among our State Papers. Grandson of Canonicus, son of Magnus, and brother of Quequegunent.

Brief History, 20.

** Capt. Richard Smith, probably, who settled quite early in that country. We find him there 15 years before this. tt Present State, &c., 14.

Quaiapen, the squaw-sachem of Narraganset. He sent word that he would come," provided he might be safely returned back.” Mr. Smith, "living near him, offered himself, wife and children, and estate, as hostages" for his safe return, and the embassy forthwith departed for Boston. A son, however, of Ninigret, was deputed prime minister, "he himself being very aged."

*

Capt. Smith accompanied them, and when they came to Roxbury they were met by a company of English soldiers, whose martial appearance so frightened them, that, had it not been for the presence of Mr. Smith, they would have escaped as from an enemy.

They remained at Boston several days, until "by degrees they came to this agreement: That they were to deliver the squaw-sachem within so many days at Boston; and the league of peace was then by them confirmed, which was much to the general satisfaction; but many had hard thoughts of them, fearing they will at last prove treacherous."

Ninigret was opposed to Christianity; not perhaps so much from a disbelief of it, as from a dislike of the practices of those who professed it. When Mr. Mayhew desired Ninigret to allow him to preach to his people, the sagacious chief "bid him go and make the English good first, and chid Mr. Mayhew for hindering him from his business and labor."

There were other Niantick sachems of this name, who succeeded Ninigret.

According to the author of the "Memoir of the Mohegans§," one would suppose he was alive in 1716, as that writer himself supposed; but if the anecdote there given be true, it related doubtless to Charles Ninigret, who, I suppose, was his son. He is mentioned by Mason, in his history of the Pequot war, as having received a part of the goods taken from Capt. Stone, at the time he was killed by the Pequots, in 1634. The time of his death has not been ascertained.

The burying-places of the family of Ninigret are in Charlestown, R. I. It is said that the old chief was buried at a place called Burying Hill, "a mile from the street." A stone in one of the places of interment has this inscription:

"Here leth the Body of George, the son of Charles Ninigret, King of the Natives, and of Hannah his Wife. Died Decembr. y. 22, 1732: aged 6 mo." "George, the last king, was brother of Mary Sachem, who is now, [1832,] sole heir to the crown. Mary does not know her age; but from data given by her husband, John Harry, she must be about 66. Her mother's father was George Ninigret. Thomas his son was the next king. Esther, sister of Thomas. George, the brother of Mary above named, and the last king crowned, died aged about 20 years. George was son of Esther. Mary has daughters, but no sons."||

"

On a division of the captive Pequots, in 1637, Ninigret was to have twenty, "when he should satisfy for a mare of Eltweed Pomroye's killed by his men." This remained unsettled in 1659, a space of twenty-two years. This debt certainly was outlawed! Poquin, or Poquoiam, was the name of the man who killed the mare.**

He was a Pequot, and brother-in-law to Miantunnomoh, and was among those captives assigned to him at their final dispersion, when the Pequot war was ended; at which time Pomeroy states "all sorts of horses were at an high price." Miantunnomoh had agreed to pay the demand, but his death prevented him. Ninigret was called upon, as he inherited a considerable part of Miantunnomoh's estate, especially his part of the

*Probably Catapazat.

Douglas's Summary, ii, 118.

MS. communication of Rev. Wm. Ely.
Familiarly called Elty, probably from Eltwood.

+ Present State, ut supra.
In 1 Col. Mass. Hist. Soc. ix. 83.

** Hazard, ii. 188, 189.

Pequots, of whom Poquoiam was one. He was afterwards called a Niantick and brother to Ninigret.*

Pessacus, often mentioned in the preceding pages, though under a variety of names, was born about 1623, and, consequently, was about 20 years of age when his brother, Miantunnomoh, was killed. The same arbitrary course, as we have seen already in the present chapter, was pursued towards him by the English, as had been before to Miantunnomoh, and still continued towards Ninigret, and other Narraganset chiefs. Mr. Cobbett makes this record of him: "In the year 1645, proud Pessacus with his Narragansets, with whom Ninigret and his Niantigs join; so as to provoke the English to a just war against them. And, accordingly, forces were sent from all the towns to meet at Boston, and did so, and had a party of fifty horse to go with them under Mr. Leveret, as the captain of the horse." Edward Gibbons was commander in chief, and Mr. Thompson, pastor of the church in Braintree, "was to sound the silver trumpet along with his army."§ But they were met by deputies from Pessacus and the other chiefs, and an accommodation took place, as mentioned in the account of Ninigret.

The commissioners, having met at New Haven in Sept. 1646, expected, according to the treaty made at Boston with the Narragansets, as particularized in the life of Uncas, that they would now meet, them here to settle the remaining difficulties with that chief. But the time having nearly expired, and none appearing, "the commissioners did seriously consider what course should be taken with them. They called to minde their breach of couenant in all the articles, that when aboue 1300 fadome of wampan was due they sent, as if they would put a scorne vpon the [English,] 20 fathome, and a few old kettles." The Narragansets said it was owing to the backwardness of the Nianticks that the wampum had not been paid, and the Nianticks laid it to the Narragansets. One hundred fathom had been sent to the governor of Massachusetts as a present by the Nianticks, they promising "to send what was due to the colonies uery speedily," but he would not accept of it. He told them they might leave it with Cuchamakin, and when they had performed the rest of their agreement, "he would consider of it." The commissioners had understood, that, in the mean time, the Narraganset sachems had raised wampum among their men, "and by good euidence it appeared, that by presents of wampum, they are practisinge with the Mohawkes, and with the Indyans in those parts, to engage them in some designe against the English and Vncus." Therefore, "the commissioners haue a cleare way open to right themselues, accordinge to iustice by war; yet to shew how highly they prize peace with all men, and particularly to manifest their forbearance and long sufferinge to these barbarians, it was agreede, that first the forementioned present should be returned," and then a declaration of war to follow.

At the same court, complaint was brought against the people of Pessacus by "Mr. Pelham on behalf of Richard Woody and Mr. Pincham," [Pinchon,] that they had committed sundry thefts. Mr. Brown, on behalf of Wm. Smith of Rehoboth, preferred a similar charge; but the Indians having no knowledge of the procedure, it was suspended.

Thus the Narragansets were suffered to remain unmolested until the next year, and we do not hear that the story about their hiring the Mohawks and others to assist them against Uncas and the English, turned out to be any thing else but a sort of bugbear, probably invented by the

* See Hazard, ii. 152.

MS. letter, subscribed with the mark of the sachem Pumham, on file at our capital, (Mass.) MS. Narrative. § Mather's Relation, and Hazard.

Mohegans. "One principall cause of the comissioners meetinge together at this time, [26 July, 1647,] being," say the records, "to consider what course should be held with the Narraganset Indyans;" the charges being at this time much the same as at the previous meeting. It was therefore ordered that Thomas Stanton, Benedict Arnold, and Sergeant Waite should be sent to Pessacks, Nenegrate and Webetamuk, to know why they had not paid the wampum as they agreed, and why they did not come to New Haven; and that now they might meet Uncas at Boston; and therefore were advised to attend there without delay; but "yf they refuse or delay, they intend to send no more," and they must abide the consequences. When the English messengers had delivered their message to Pessacus, he spoke to them as follows:

“The reason I did not meet the English sachems at New Haven last year, is, they did not notify me. It is true I have broken my covenant these two years, and that now is, and constantly has been, the grief of my spirit. And the reason I do not meet them now at Boston is because I am sick. If I were but pretty well I would go. I have sent my mind in full to Ninigret, and what he does I will abide by. I have sent Powpynamett and Pomumsks to go and hear, and testify that I have betrusted my full mind with Nenegratt. You know well, however, that when I made that covenant two years ago, 1 did it in fear of the army that I did see; and though the English kept their covenant with me, yet they were ready to go to Narraganset and kill me, and the commissioners said they would do it, if I did not sign what they had written."

Moyanno, another chief, said he had confided the business with Ninigret last spring, and would now abide by whatever he should do.

When the English messengers returned and made known what had been done, the commissioners said that Pessacus' speech contained "seuerall passages of vntruth and guile, and [they] were vnsatisfyed."

What measures the English took "to right themselues," or whether any, immediately, is not very distinctly stated; but the next year, 1648, there were some military movements of the English towards his country, occasioned by the non-payment of the tribute, and some other less important matters. Pessacus, having knowledge of their approach, fled to R. Island. Ninicraft entertained them courteously, (there they staid the Lord's day,) and came back with them to Mr. Williams', and then Pessacus and Canonicus' son, being delivered of their fear, came to them; and being demanded about hiring the Mohawks against Uncas, they solemnly denied it; only they confessed, that the Mohawks, being a great sachem, and their ancient friend, and being come so near them, they sent some 20 fathom of wampum for him to tread upon, as the manner of Indians The matter seems to have rested here; Pessacus, as usual, having promised what was desired.

is."*

This chief was killed by the Mohawks, as we have stated in the life of Canonicus. His life was a scene of almost perpetual troubles. As late as September, 1668, his name stands first among others of his nation, in a complaint sent to them by Massachusetts. The messengers sent with it were Richd. Wayt, Capt. W. Wright, and Capt. Sam'. Mosely; and it was in terms thus:—

"Whereas Capt. Wm. Hudson and John Viall of Boston, in the name of themselves and others, proprietors of lands and farms in the Narraganset country, have complained unto us, [the court of Mass.,] of the great insolencies and injuries offered unto them and their people by several, as burning their hay, killing sundry horses, and in special manner, about one month since, forced some of their people from their labors in mowing

Winthrop's Journal.

grass upon their own land, and assaulted others in the high way, as they rode about their occasions; by throwing many stones at them and their horses, and beating their horses as they rode upon them," &c. The remonstrance then goes on warning them to desist, or otherwise they might expect severity. Had Mosely been as well known then among the Indians, as he was afterwards, his presence would doubtless have been enough to have caused quietness, as perhaps it did even at this time.

"So swift and black a storm behind them low'rd,
On wings of fear thro' dismal wastes they soar'd.

Destruction of the Pequots."

UNCAS-His character-Connections-Geography of the Mohegan country -General account of that nation-Uncas joins the English against the Pequots-Captures a chief at Sachem's Head-Visits Boston-His speech to Gov. Winthrop-Specimen of the Mohegan language-Sequasson- -The war between Uncas and Miantunnomoh-Examination of its cause-The Narragansets determine to avenge their sachem's deathForces raised to protect Uncas-Pessacus-Great distress of UncasTimely relief from Connecticut-Treaty of 1645-Frequent complaints against Uncas-Wequash-Obechickwod-Woosamequin.

Uncas, sachem of the Mohegans, of whom we have already had occasion to say considerable, has left no very favorable character upon record. His life is a series of changes, without any of those brilliant acts of magnanimity, which throw a veil over numerous errors. Mr. Gookin gives us this character of him in the year 1674: (Mr. James Fitch having been sent about this time to preach among the Mohegans:) "I am apt to fear, says he, that a great obstruction unto his labors is in the sachem of those Indians, whose name is Unkas; an old and wicked, wilful man, a drunkard, and otherwise very vicious; who hath always been an opposer and